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How To Eliminate Private Student Loan Debt

How To Eliminate Private Student Loan Debt

 How To Eliminate Private Student Loan Debt - At the same time, the COVID-19 pandemic has caused historic levels of unemployment and economic hardship. Even before the pandemic, many student loan borrowers were facing payment burdens exceeding 10 percent of their income on hand or debt traps in which they could not keep up with monthly interest rates (Farrell, Greig, and Sullivan, 2020). Government action has suspended the payment and accumulation of interest on federal student loans starting in March 2020 to ease the economic burden caused by the pandemic. In addition to this temporary relief, policymakers have proposed permanent write-offs of federal student loans, which account for approximately 92 percent of total student loan debt (Amir, Teslow, and Borders 2020).

In this review, we use administrative banking and credit bureau data to estimate how the benefits of various debt relief scenarios would be distributed based on household income, the borrower's time remaining to repay its debt, and the borrower's race and ethnicity.

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How To Eliminate Private Student Loan Debt

We consider four scenarios: (1) a universal write-off of up to $10,000 from each debtor; (2) writing off up to $50,000 of debt for people making less than $125,000; (3) waiving up to $25,000 for people earning less than $75,000 and phasing out $100,000; and (4) cancellation up to $50,000 with the same revenue phase-out as in Scenario 3.

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From our linked bank and credit bureau data, we take individual borrowers' student debt balances, annual income, and 2016 debt repayment patterns to calculate several aspects of these hypothetical cancellation scenarios. First, how much debt will be cancelled? Second, how is debt forgiven distributed across the income distribution—how much goes to high- and low-income households? Third, how much of the canceled debt belongs to people who are on track to repay their loans on time, compared to those who will never be able to fully repay them? Finally, how is canceled debt distributed across racial and ethnic groups?

We found that income cuts significantly reduced total debt forgiveness and made write-offs less regressive, while all of the write-off scenarios we examined distributed forgiveness across borrowers by race in roughly the same way. A $10,000 universal cancellation would write off roughly a quarter of all student loan debt, while a $50,000 income-limited write-off would write off half of all debt. A $25,000 income phase-out cancellation cancels the same amount of debt as a $10,000 universal cancellation. Cancellation also benefits middle- and high-income families disproportionately, although income targeting makes cancellation less regressive. This relative regressivity is due to the fact that higher income households have larger debts, often associated with professional or advanced degrees. Conversely, more aggressive income targeting does not necessarily result in a greater share of forgiveness going to borrowers trapped in debt or facing long repayment horizons. However, increasing the total amount of write-offs available slightly increases the share of forgiveness received by borrowers with a longer repayment horizon. The proportion of write-offs received by race and ethnicity is largely independent of income targeting and reflects the proportion of total debt held by race and ethnicity.

For example, a $25,000 cancellation with an income phase-out of $75,000 to $100,000 forgives about the same amount of total debt as a $10,000 universal write-off (28 percent versus 27 percent), but yields 3.85 dollars to low-income borrowers for every dollar given to high-income borrowers. The $50,000 write-off under the same phase-out cancels most of the debt (39 percent of total debt) and is somewhat more regressive, but provides more complete forgiveness for low-income borrowers, borrowers facing a debt trap or long repayment horizons, and Black and Latin borrowers.

It should also be noted that some of the options available to politicians were not considered here due to the limitations of our data. For example, debt relief for graduate school is likely to make forgiveness less regressive and reduce overall costs. Forgiveness of accrued interest would also likely be progressive, as people who have the means to repay the debt would be unlikely to accumulate much interest on interest.

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There is only one conclusion: the cancellation scenarios considered will allow anywhere from 27 percent to 50 percent of all federal student loan debt to be written off.

On fig. 1 shows the total amount of debt written off under each scenario. Because we only see takeaway income in our checking account data, we are converting the gross income thresholds of $75,000, $100,000, and $125,000 into the net income thresholds of $54,263, $72,350, and $90,438. assuming a withholding tax rate of 20 percent and an additional payroll tax rate of 7.65 percent.

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The $50,000 income-capped cancellation forgives most of the total debt (50 percent of total debt), or $786 billion from a base of $1.566 trillion. A more aggressive income cap, such as a $75,000 to $100,000 income phase-out, significantly reduces total debt write-offs (39 percent of debt or $606 billion) by the same $50,000 of potential write-offs for individuals. The $25,000 phase-out write-off further reduces total debt forgiveness (28 percent, $446 billion), while the $10,000 universal write-off does not greatly reduce total write-offs beyond that (27 percent, $422 billion), despite for a much smaller amount of forgiveness. provided to individual borrowers. Combined, these alternatives will leave between $919 trillion and $1.283 trillion in outstanding federal and private student loans, in line with 2012-2014 levels.

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Note. Based on a total outstanding student debt of $1.6 trillion. Gross income limits are assumed to be converted to hands-on income limits based on a 20% federal withholding tax rate and a 7.65% payroll tax rate. The "Income Limit" restricts cancellations to people making less than $125,000 a year. Gradual Waiver gives full waiver for people making less than $75,000 a year, and reduces the waiver as income increases so that people making more than $100,000 don't get waived.

Conclusion two: student debt write-offs disproportionately benefit middle- and high-income families, although income targeting makes write-offs less regressive.

We found that a disproportionate amount of debt relief goes to middle- or high-income households in all of the cancellation scenarios we consider because higher-income households tend to have more student debt. However, more aggressive income targeting can make a cancellation program significantly more progressive.

The left panel of Figure 2 shows the proportion of the total dollars written off for each income quintile, as well as the margins for each income quintile.

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Two histograms. The left histogram shows the distribution of cancellation dollars across income quintiles. The right bar chart shows the proportion of each quintile whose student debt is fully repaid.

Note. Based on balances as of November 2016. Income represents income received on hand deposited in a Chase checking account between December 2015 and November 2016. Income quintiles are based on the entire Chase-Experian sample, including those with who don't have student debt. The "Income Limit" restricts cancellations to people making less than $125,000 a year. Gradual Waiver gives full waiver for people making less than $75,000 a year, and reduces the waiver as income increases so that people making more than $100,000 don't get waived. Gross income limits are assumed to be converted to hands-on income limits based on a 20% federal withholding tax rate and a 7.65% payroll tax rate.

With a $10,000 universal cancellation (shown in blue), only 12 percent of the cancellation dollars go to the lowest quintile (i.e., the lowest income 20 percent), while 23 percent goes to the highest income quintile. In the $50,000 (green) limited income scenario, the highest income quintile gets almost no forgiveness because the vast majority of people in the top quintile are above the $125,000 gross income limit ($90,438 net income limit). However, the share of forgiveness held by the lowest income households is only slightly higher (14 percent), while the share of borrowers in quintiles 3 and 4 is higher. This is due to higher balances in the accounts of higher income households, such as larger debts to vocational schools, medical schools, etc., as discussed in more detail in Figure 3 below. The $25,000 and $50,000 income phase-out scenarios are distributed very similarly across income groups and provide relatively more help to borrowers in quintile 1, while middle-income borrowers (quintile 3) still get about twice as much. as borrowers in quintile 1.

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The right side of Figure 2 shows what proportion of people in each quintile have their debts completely written off. The $10,000 blanket cancellation would completely eliminate student loan debt for 48 percent of the lowest income group, compared to 32 percent for the highest income group. The $50,000 write-off policy eliminates all debt from 87 to 90 percent of borrowers in the top three quintiles. Note that both $50,000 policies produce nearly identical results in this income range because neither scenario has any effect for quintiles 1 and 2 and most of quintile 3. The $25,000 option completely rules out nearly the same the number of people in that range, as is $50,000 Options (70–75 percent).

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This trend is not surprising given the distribution of balances across each income quintile, which can be seen in Fig. 3. For example, median debt

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